THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for the warm welcome. I'm proud to be with
the scholars, and the friends, and the supporters of the American
Enterprise Institute. I want to thank you for overlooking my dress
code violation. (Laughter.) They were about to stop me at the door,
but Irving Kristol said, "I know this guy, let him in." (Laughter.)
Chris, thank you for your very
kind introduction, and thank you for your leadership. I see many
distinguished guests here tonight -- members of my Cabinet, members
of Congress, Justice Scalia, Justice Thomas, and so many respected
writers and policy experts. I'm always happy to see your Senior
Fellow, Dr. Lynne Cheney. (Applause.) Lynne is a wise and thoughtful
commentator on history and culture, and a dear friend to Laura and
me. I'm also familiar with the good work of her husband --
(laughter.) You may remember him, the former director of my vice
presidential search committee. (Laughter.) Thank God Dick Cheney
said yes. (Applause.)
Thanks for fitting me into the program tonight. I know I'm not
the featured speaker. I'm just a warm-up act for Allan Meltzer. But
I want to congratulate Dr. Meltzer for a lifetime of achievement,
and for tonight's well-deserved honor. Congratulations. (Applause.)
At the American Enterprise Institute, some of the finest minds in
our nation are at work on some of the greatest challenges to our
nation. You do such good work that my administration has borrowed 20
such minds. I want to thank them for their service, but I also want
to remind people that for 60 years, AEI scholars have made vital
contributions to our country and to our government, and we are
grateful for those contributions.
We meet here during a crucial period in the history of our
nation, and of the civilized world. Part of that history was written
by others; the rest will be written by us. (Applause.) On a
September morning, threats that had gathered for years, in secret
and far away, led to murder in our country on a massive scale. As a
result, we must look at security in a new way, because our country
is a battlefield in the first war of the 21st century.
We learned a lesson: The dangers of our time must be confronted
actively and forcefully, before we see them again in our skies and
in our cities. And we set a goal: we will not allow the triumph of
hatred and violence in the affairs of men. (Applause.)
Our coalition of more than 90 countries is pursuing the networks
of terror with every tool of law enforcement and with military
power. We have arrested, or otherwise dealt with, many key
commanders of al Qaeda. (Applause.) Across the world, we are hunting
down the killers one by one. We are winning. And we're showing them
the definition of American justice. (Applause.) And we are opposing
the greatest danger in the war on terror: outlaw regimes arming with
weapons of mass destruction.
In Iraq, a dictator is building and hiding weapons that could
enable him to dominate the Middle East and intimidate the civilized
world -- and we will not allow it. (Applause.) This same tyrant has
close ties to terrorist organizations, and could supply them with
the terrible means to strike this country -- and America will not
permit it. The danger posed by Saddam Hussein and his weapons cannot
be ignored or wished away. The danger must be confronted. We hope
that the Iraqi regime will meet the demands of the United Nations
and disarm, fully and peacefully. If it does not, we are prepared to
disarm Iraq by force. Either way, this danger will be removed.
(Applause.)
The safety of the American people depends on ending this direct
and growing threat. Acting against the danger will also contribute
greatly to the long-term safety and stability of our world. The
current Iraqi regime has shown the power of tyranny to spread
discord and violence in the Middle East. A liberated Iraq can show
the power of freedom to transform that vital region, by bringing
hope and progress into the lives of millions. America's interests in
security, and America's belief in liberty, both lead in the same
direction: to a free and peaceful Iraq. (Applause.)
The first to benefit from a free Iraq would be the Iraqi people,
themselves. Today they live in scarcity and fear, under a dictator
who has brought them nothing but war, and misery, and torture. Their
lives and their freedom matter little to Saddam Hussein -- but Iraqi
lives and freedom matter greatly to us. (Applause.)
Bringing stability and unity to a free Iraq will not be easy. Yet
that is no excuse to leave the Iraqi regime's torture chambers and
poison labs in operation. Any future the Iraqi people choose for
themselves will be better than the nightmare world that Saddam
Hussein has chosen for them. (Applause.)
If we must use force, the United States and our coalition stand
ready to help the citizens of a liberated Iraq. We will deliver
medicine to the sick, and we are now moving into place nearly 3
million emergency rations to feed the hungry.
We'll make sure that Iraq's 55,000 food distribution sites,
operating under the Oil For Food program, are stocked and open as
soon as possible. The United States and Great Britain are providing
tens of millions of dollars to the U.N. High Commission on Refugees,
and to such groups as the World Food Program and UNICEF, to provide
emergency aid to the Iraqi people.
We will also lead in carrying out the urgent and dangerous work
of destroying chemical and biological weapons. We will provide
security against those who try to spread chaos, or settle scores, or
threaten the territorial integrity of Iraq. We will seek to protect
Iraq's natural resources from sabotage by a dying regime, and ensure
those resources are used for the benefit of the owners -- the Iraqi
people. (Applause.)
The United States has no intention of determining the precise
form of Iraq's new government. That choice belongs to the Iraqi
people. Yet, we will ensure that one brutal dictator is not replaced
by another. All Iraqis must have a voice in the new government, and
all citizens must have their rights protected. (Applause.)
Rebuilding Iraq will require a sustained commitment from many
nations, including our own: we will remain in Iraq as long as
necessary, and not a day more. America has made and kept this kind
of commitment before -- in the peace that followed a world war.
After defeating enemies, we did not leave behind occupying armies,
we left constitutions and parliaments. We established an atmosphere
of safety, in which responsible, reform-minded local leaders could
build lasting institutions of freedom. In societies that once bred
fascism and militarism, liberty found a permanent home.
There was a time when many said that the cultures of Japan and
Germany were incapable of sustaining democratic values. Well, they
were wrong. Some say the same of Iraq today. They are mistaken.
(Applause.) The nation of Iraq -- with its proud heritage, abundant
resources and skilled and educated people -- is fully capable of
moving toward democracy and living in freedom. (Applause.)
The world has a clear interest in the spread of democratic
values, because stable and free nations do not breed the ideologies
of murder. They encourage the peaceful pursuit of a better life. And
there are hopeful signs of a desire for freedom in the Middle East.
Arab intellectuals have called on Arab governments to address the
"freedom gap" so their peoples can fully share in the progress of
our times. Leaders in the region speak of a new Arab charter that
champions internal reform, greater politics participation, economic
openness, and free trade. And from Morocco to Bahrain and beyond,
nations are taking genuine steps toward politics reform. A new
regime in Iraq would serve as a dramatic and inspiring example of
freedom for other nations in the region. (Applause.)
It is presumptuous and insulting to suggest that a whole region
of the world -- or the one-fifth of humanity that is Muslim -- is
somehow untouched by the most basic aspirations of life. Human
cultures can be vastly different. Yet the human heart desires the
same good things, everywhere on Earth. In our desire to be safe from
brutal and bullying oppression, human beings are the same. In our
desire to care for our children and give them a better life, we are
the same. For these fundamental reasons, freedom and democracy will
always and everywhere have greater appeal than the slogans of hatred
and the tactics of terror. (Applause.)
Success in Iraq could also begin a new stage for Middle Eastern
peace, and set in motion progress towards a truly democratic
Palestinian state. (Applause.) The passing of Saddam Hussein's
regime will deprive terrorist networks of a wealthy patron that pays
for terrorist training, and offers rewards to families of suicide
bombers. And other regimes will be given a clear warning that
support for terror will not be tolerated. (Applause.)
Without this outside support for terrorism, Palestinians who are
working for reform and long for democracy will be in a better
position to choose new leaders. (Applause.) True leaders who strive
for peace; true leaders who faithfully serve the people. A
Palestinian state must be a reformed and peaceful state that
abandons forever the use of terror. (Applause.)
For its part, the new government of Israel -- as the terror
threat is removed and security improves -- will be expected to
support the creation of a viable Palestinian state -- (applause) --
and to work as quickly as possible toward a final status agreement.
As progress is made toward peace, settlement activity in the
occupied territories must end. (Applause.) And the Arab states will
be expected to meet their responsibilities to oppose terrorism, to
support the emergence of a peaceful and democratic Palestine, and
state clearly they will live in peace with Israel. (Applause.)
The United States and other nations are working on a road map for
peace. We are setting out the necessary conditions for progress
toward the goal of two states, Israel and Palestine, living side by
side in peace and security. It is the commitment of our government
-- and my personal commitment -- to implement the road map and to
reach that goal. Old patterns of conflict in the Middle East can be
broken, if all concerned will let go of bitterness, hatred, and
violence, and get on with the serious work of economic development,
and political reform, and reconciliation. America will seize every
opportunity in pursuit of peace. And the end of the present regime
in Iraq would create such an opportunity. (Applause.)
In confronting Iraq, the United States is also showing our
commitment to effective international institutions. We are a
permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. We helped
to create the Security Council. We believe in the Security Council
-- so much that we want its words to have meaning. (Applause.)
The global threat of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction
cannot be confronted by one nation alone. The world needs today and
will need tomorrow international bodies with the authority and the
will to stop the spread of terror and chemical and biological and
nuclear weapons. A threat to all must be answered by all.
High-minded pronouncements against proliferation mean little unless
the strongest nations are willing to stand behind them -- and use
force if necessary. After all, the United Nations was created, as
Winston Churchill said, to "make sure that the force of right will,
in the ultimate issue, be protected by the right of force."
Another resolution is now before the Security Council. If the
council responds to Iraq's defiance with more excuses and delays, if
all its authority proves to be empty, the United Nations will be
severely weakened as a source of stability and order. If the members
rise to this moment, then the Council will fulfill its founding
purpose.
I've listened carefully, as people and leaders around the world
have made known their desire for peace. All of us want peace. The
threat to peace does not come from those who seek to enforce the
just demands of the civilized world; the threat to peace comes from
those who flout those demands. If we have to act, we will act to
restrain the violent, and defend the cause of peace. And by acting,
we will signal to outlaw regimes that in this new century, the
boundaries of civilized behavior will be respected. (Applause.)
Protecting those boundaries carries a cost. If war is forced upon
us by Iraq's refusal to disarm, we will meet an enemy who hides his
military forces behind civilians, who has terrible weapons, who is
capable of any crime. The dangers are real, as our soldiers, and
sailors, airmen, and Marines fully understand. Yet, no military has
ever been better prepared to meet these challenges.
Members of our Armed Forces also understand why they may be
called to fight. They know that retreat before a dictator guarantees
even greater sacrifices in the future. They know that America's
cause is right and just: liberty for an oppressed people, and
security for the American people. And I know something about these
men and women who wear our uniform: they will complete every mission
they are given with skill, and honor, and courage. (Applause.)
Much is asked of America in this year 2003. The work ahead is
demanding. It will be difficult to help freedom take hold in a
country that has known three decades of dictatorship, secret police,
internal divisions, and war. It will be difficult to cultivate
liberty and peace in the Middle East, after so many generations of
strife. Yet, the security of our nation and the hope of millions
depend on us, and Americans do not turn away from duties because
they are hard. We have met great tests in other times, and we will
meet the tests of our time. (Applause.)
We go forward with confidence, because we trust in the power of
human freedom to change lives and nations. By the resolve and
purpose of America, and of our friends and allies, we will make this
an age of progress and liberty. Free people will set the course of
history, and free people will keep the peace of the world.